Quaker
Life
September 1997
Quakers and the Free Exercise of Religion
On June 25, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down the Religious Freedom
Restoration Act (RFRA).We have asked Florence Kimball of the Friends Committee
on National Legislation to explain the significance of the decision. In
excerpts from her dissent, Justice O'Connor made numerous references to
Quaker history to argue that the Court was mistinterpreting the constitutional
guarantee of "free exercise" of religion. A sidebar shows how
Friends today are still pressing for free exercise of religion. - Editors
The RFRA Decision
By Florence Kimbal
The First Amendment to the Constitution states, in part, that "Congress
shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof." The amendment thus provides two important
guarantees: Congress is not to pass legislation that would establish religion
(the "establishment clause") and Congress is not to pass laws
that would bar people from freely exercising their religious beliefs (the
"free exerse clause").
The free exercise clause is at the center of the recent Supreme Court
decision. Sometimes, free exercise conflicts with governmental interests.
When this happens, the governmental body must balance the interests of
the government with the individual's right to free exercise of religion.
Over the years, a legal standard, known as the "compelling interest"
test, evolved. This test says that if government burdens the free exercise
of sincerely held religious beliefs, government must demonstrate that
it is acting to advance a "compelling state interest" (such
as public health or safety) and that the course of action which the government
is following is the least restrictive (or burdensome) to religion.
The compelling interest test generally guided court decisions until 1990
when the U.S. Supreme Court issued a decision known as Employment Division
v. Smith. In the Smith decision, the Court ruled that the compelling interest
test would no longer be applied so long as the law in question was not
specically aimed at limiting the free exercise of religion. In the first
three years following Smith, more than 50 cases involving free exercise
were decided against religious groups and individuals.
For example, when Hmong parents objected that an autopsy on their son
(performed pursuant to a generally-applicable state law) would violate
their religious beliefs, a Federal District Court ruled that the free
exercise clause was not an issue. When a church objected to the application
of municipal zoning laws to prevent the church from conducting services
in an area zoned for commercial uses (an area in which secular not-for-profit
organizations were permitted), a Court of Appeals ruled that the case
raised no free exercise concerns.
Congress and a broad-based coalition of religious and secular organizations
(which included the Friends Committee on National Legislation) recognized
the problem and responded. As a result of the joint effort, Congress passed
the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (RFRA).
RFRA restored the broad application of the compelling interest
test and provided strong protection for persons whose religious exercise
was burdened by government.
Two years ago, a challenge to the constitutionality of RFRA began wending
its way through the courts in a case known as City of Boerne v. Flores.
The legal process ended on June 25, 1997, when the U.S. Supreme Court,
in a 6-3 decision, struck down RFRA. In writing for the majority, Justice
Kennedy noted that, in passing RFRA, Congress had exceeded its authority
under Section 5 of the 14th Amendment (the Constitutional provision by
which RFRA was applied to state and local governments).
Where to from here?
Both the House and the Senate Judiciary Committees are holding hearings
on the City of Boerne v. Flores decision in order to explore possible
legislative remedies. One legislative approach could involve recodifying
RFRA so that it would apply to the federal government. Another approach
would be to recodify RFRA so that it would apply to state and local govements
based on Congress' power to spend federal money or to regulate commerce.
Each state could also pass its own RFRA-type legislation. The main
drawback to this approach is that this would likely create a patchwork
of religious protection which would vary from state to state.
Some are pursuing a constitutional amendment strategy. Such an approach
raises several problems. First, it requires many years for completion.
Second, wording is likely to be highly controversial. Should the amendment
deal only with free exercise or should it deal with both free exercise
and establishment? Should free exercise be guaranteed to all or could
there be exemptions, such as for prisoners, public school children, or
historic preservation issues? Many who supported RFRA contend that, unless
everyone's religious freedom is secure, anyone is vulnerable.
Prior to the Supreme Court's decision, Rep. Istook (OK) had already introduced
a Religious Freedom Amendment which was designed primarily to address
establishment clause issues. Now, Rep. Istook has indicated his desire
to incorporate free exercise issues into his amendment. The proposed amendment
is worded in a way which would effectively allow the religion with the
largest number of adherents in a community to control such things as the
wording of prayers said in schools and at public gatherings or the selection
of religious symbols to be displayed on public property. This could substantially
diminish religious freedom for persons of minority faiths in such communities.
The amendment also opens the door to the use of public funds to support
parochial schools and programs. Such an effort would be vigorously opposed
by many who supported RFRA and who would be willing to support an amendment
limited to incorporating RFRA-type language into the Constitution.
FCNL will continue to monitor this issue. At this time, we encourage
readers to contact Members of Congress, to express concern for religious
freedom and to urge them to explore all legislative remedies before considering
the Constitional amendment route. FCNL recommends that any amendment which
would compromise the strict separation of church and state (including
the one proposed by Rep. Istook) be opposed.
Florence Kimball is legislative education secretary for FCNL, 245
Second Street, NE, Washington DC 20002; (202) 547-6000.
Friends Continue RFRA Challenges
Rosa Packard, of New York Yearly
Meeting, and Priscilla Adams, of
Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, intend to continue RFRA-based legal challenges
to IRS penalties for their conscientious refusal to pay military taxes.
They argue that the Boerne decision only overturns the application of
RFRA in non-Federal venues. Priscilla Adams' case will come before tax
court sometime in the fall, and Rosa Packard is preparing her case for
Federal District Court. Rosa Packard says, "Both Priscilla and I
believe that under the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, the government
should not penalize conscientious objectors to paying taxes for war for
exercising their religious beliefs. We also ask that the government grant
a reasonable alternative to the generally applicable tax law requiring
citizens to pay taxes for war. The Peace Tax Fund Bill would fulfill this
request."
Copyright 1997, Friends United Meeting
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