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Friends United Meeting |
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January 1998
Russia and Freedom of Religion
by Bonnie Grotjahn
The Duma passed a Freedom of Religion Law last September, which despite its title will limit freedom of worship of many Russians. Since the Moscow Meeting was not officially registered in Russia 15 years ago, it may become unable, under the new law, to open a bank account, rent public space or engage in publishing. Worshipping together in private would still be allowed.
Reports are now coming in of alleged human rights violations in Russia's regions: a Pentecostal pastor in Moscow was summoned by the police and ordered to close their Bible school under threat of handcuffs and beatings; the local administration of Bryansk refused to consider the registration of a Jewish organization; the mayor of the northeastern town of Noyabrsk filed a claim that a local judge was unfit because she is a Pentecostal; Lutherans in Siberia have been refused long-term Russian visas.
Friends House Moscow's status as a British charity makes it particularly uncertain how it might be affected by the new law. Many are waiting for the Ministry of Justice's interpretation, due out in the new year, which will guide law enforcers and the legal system in implementing the law.
Initially aimed at restricting fringe groups like Aum Shinrikyo, as well as foreign evangelists of all faiths, the bill was written in a way that limited the freedom of worship of many Russians. In July, President Yeltsin refused to sign an earlier version of the law, returning it to the Duma, or Russian Congress, for revisions.
Yeltsin's refusal gave hope to religious leaders and human rights activists that their voices had been heard. Leaders of smaller confessions were drawn together. Human rights activists, including a Duma deputy, legal experts, and journalists, also worked to stop the bill. They saw implications for Russia's future: If religious rights were now threatened, then freedom of speech or other human rights might be next.
Yeltsin created a committee to work out a compromise. Yet Yeltsin's own administration seemed to be working to keep discussion of the bill behind closed doors. At a hearing of the Presidential Citizens' Commission on Social and Religious Affairs, members of the President's administration asked several religious leaders from smaller confessions to sign a piece of paper confirming their approval of the compromise version. Unfortunately, the paper which several leaders did sign was circulated separately from the actual text. The administration then claimed to have their support, but in fact they had never seen the actual text of the proposed law.
The text was finally made available, but with a key change in one clause: Groups would have to prove they had been registered in Russia 15 years ago, instead of merely present in Russia, as the earlier version of the bill required. Friends in Russia were not officially registered then, as many faiths were not, except larger, more established denominations such as the Russian Orthodox Church.
This compromise version passed the Duma and Federal Council quickly and was signed by the president in late September. In early October, many in the human rights communities called for the formation of an apolitical social movement for freedom of conscience and religion.
In November a group of religious organizations met to discuss creating one large, explicitly religious umbrella organization for many Christian churches. The presence of organizations such as the Union of Evangelical Christians/Baptists, who have been in Russia officially for over 100 years, would serve as a shelter for smaller and newer churches that otherwise would not have legal status.
Perhaps there is logic in the separation of movements between these two groups: Religious organizations have felt a certain security in working with other believers, and human-rights activists feel their work can be more effective if they are perceived to be fighting for someone else's cause. Still, stereotypes bar the way forward to open and productive dialogue.
The Quaker presence is unique, being Christians who have a strong concern for equality and social action. Although local Friends have usually not been the most vocal participants in these discussions, they have been invited to take part in meetings of both "sides."
The Clerk and Recording Clerk of Moscow Meeting have begun working with the movement for freedom of religion. They work most closely with the Information Center which collects and distributes information on human rights violations and encourages local administrations to take fair action.
Russian society needs both the religious and human rights communities, who also need each other. It remains to be seen, however, how they will work together in the future and what fruits their cooperative efforts will bear.
Bonnie Grotjahn is on staff at Friends House Moscow. She has lived in Russia for over five years and attends Moscow Meeting.
Copyright (c) 1998 Friends United Meeting
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